The Lie Exposed
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- Category: History & Archives
- Published: 18 November 2012
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2012 marks the 100th anniversary of the start of the first Balkan War. Turkish Coalition of America (TCA) published an annotated map displaying the forced exile and death of about 1.5 million Ottoman Muslims, one of the biggest tragedies of the 20th century, which remains untold to date.
- Category: History & Archives
- Published: 16 February 2009
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By Stanford J. Shaw*
"While six millions Jews were being exterminated by the Nazis, the rescue of some 15,000 Turkish Jews from France, and even of some 100,000 Jews from Eastern Europe might well be considered as relatively insignificant in comparison. It was, however, very significant to the people who were rescued, and above all it showed that, as had been the case for more than five centuries, Turks and Jews continued to help each other in times of great crises."
The large-scale movement of Jewish refugees to the Ottoman Empire from Spain and Portugal and elsewhere in Europe in the 15th and 16th centuries as a result of persecutions engendered by the Inquisition largely came to an end during the centuries of Ottoman disintegration that followed since the decline of political stability and economic unity within the Ottoman Empire made it impossible for the sultans to provide their Jewish subjects with the same sort of protection against Christian bigotry and persecution within the Empire which had enabled the first great wave of Jewish emigrants to prosper. The Ottoman revival under the stimulus of the 19th century Tanzimat reform era changed all this, however, so that during the last century of Ottoman existence, new influxes of Jewish refugees once again placed the Turks in the forefront of the nations providing refuge and succor to the Jews of Europe.
The second great wave of Jewish immigration into Ottoman Turkey began in the early years of the 19th century hen the Greek Revolution originated modern 'ethnic cleansing' by carrying out massacres and persecutions of its Muslim and Jewish population in order to create a homogeneous basis for the new independent kingdom of Greece. The resulting influx of refugees into the shrinking boundaries of the Ottoman Empire was followed by similar events in the remaining Ottoman provinces in Europe as Serbia, Bulgaria, and Rumania achieved their independence by following the Greek example of persecuting and/or murdering their non-Christian minorities, who in turn fled to the empire which had given their ancestors support and protection over the centuries. This influx reached its peak as a result of the Russian pogroms which began in 1881, followed by the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), when Greek assaults on the Jewish community of Salonica and other parts of eastern Macedonia led thousands of Jews, who previously had consttuted a majority of its population, to flee eastward into Ottoman territory, settling mostly in Istanbul and Izmir, where they contributed significantly to the revival of their industry and trade that took place during and after World War I.
Most of the Jews coming from the former Ottoman provinces of Southeastern Europe fitted in very well with xisting Jewish community practices and customs since most shared the Sephardic religious and cultural practices which had dominated Ottoman Jewry since the late years of the 15th century. They were followed, however, by hundreds of Jewish refugees from the political upheavals and repressions which followed the French Revolution and Napoleonic wars in Europe, and again the revolutions of 1848, when Jewish liberals, many of whom were wealthy merchants, industrialists and bankers who had emerged folloing the emancipations of the French Revolutionary era, were subjected to large scale harassment by the reactionary monarchies of Europe. Thse brought to the Ottoman Empire the talents, experience and capital which they had built up in Europe during the previous decades, and applied it to creating banks, factories, and model farms through Anatolia, contributing significantly to the development of Ottoman indusry and agriculture during the later years of the Tanzimat. Unlike the immigrants from Southeastern Europe and Russia, however, they did not fit in with the established Ottoman Jewish society, part of Middle Eastern civilization, but instead strengthened the Ashkenazi Ottoman Jewish community to the point where it was able to break away from the cultural dominance of the Sephardim and develop its own synagogues, schools and social institutions, thereby stimulating divisions within Ottoman Jewry which previously had not been significant.
Whereas the Ashkenazi immigrants from Europe who came to the Ottoman Empire were well-established intellectuals, industrialists, merchants and professionals, bringing with them a well developed cultural life as well as capital and knowledge which they were apply freely in the Ottoman dominions, very much as the Sephardic immigrants had done in earlier centuries, the Ashkenazi Jews who entered Ottoman territory in flight from the pogroms in Russia and subsequently from the terrors of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Russian Civil War that followed came out of the ghettos of the Russian Pale and brought with them few skills and a ghetto mentality. As a result, they fitted in neither with their Ashkenazi brothers from Central Europe or with the mass of Sephardic Jews who dominated the Ottoman Jewish establishment, and constituted more of a burden than an asset, both to the Empire and to the Jewish community which had to take care of them. These reacted to their impoverished situation as well as to their sgregation from other Ottoman jews by moving away from the centers of Ottoman political and economic life and following the early Zionist idealists to Palestine, where they settled during the last quarter of the 19th century in what has become known as the first Zionist Aliyah. Most of the new immigrants from Russia supported Zionism, since, unlike the Ottoman Jews, they had suffered severe persecution and at the same time had little experience with the advantages of Ottoman life, and looked down on their Middle Eastern brothers as much as they did on their Muslim neighbors. Most Ottoman Jews, both Separdim and Ashkenazim, on the other hand, therefore reacted negatively to the Zionist efforts to establish Palestine as a center of Jewish life, and opposed Theodore Herzl's efforts to convince Sultan Abdülhamid II to turn Palestine over to the Jews, rightfully fearing that the establishment of Jewish domination in Palestine would inevitably destroy the good relations they had maintained with their Muslim neighbors over the centuries. Ottoman Grand Rabbi (1909-1920) Haim Nahoum Efendi, reflected his community's opposition to Zionism, though because of the tremendous burden imposed on his community in Istanbul by the continued influx of thousands of refugees from South-eastern Europe and Russia, he was compelled to cooperate with the Zionists by helping send these refugees on to Palestine before and during World War I, thus helping to fulfil the Zionist ambition despite his fears for the future of Ottoman Jewry.
A new era of Turkish assistance to Jewish refugees began in the early 1930's, when Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his Minister of Education, Hasan Ali Yücel, took advantage of Hitler's dismissal of Jewish educators and scientists to bring hundreds of them to Turkey, where they contributed significantly to the development of Turkish universities and scientific establishments as well as to the fine arts and music before and during World War II. Turkey remained neutral during most of the war. Though it was in a military alliance with Great Britain and France concluded in 1938, and openly sympathised with them in opposition to Nazi Germany, neither was able to assure it of assistance in case a declaration of war led to a German invasion from Greece and Bulgaria. In addition, most Turks vividly remembered the suffering which all subjects of the Ottoman Empire experienced as a result of the disasters of the Balkan Wars, World War I, and the Turkish War of National Liberation, and did not want to go through that agin unless their country's interests were directly threatened. Turkey therefore remained in a perilous state of neutrality through most of the war, though suffering considerable economic and financial difficulties as a result of its need to maintain a very large army against the possibility of a German attack at a time when most of its imports and exports were cut off Turkey most certainly did not remain out of World War II to help the Jews, but Turkish neutrality put it into a unique position where it could and did provide major assistance to Jews who were being persecuted, imprisoned and exterminated throughout Europe during the Holocaust and World War II. Its diplomats and consuls in Germany and German occupied countries used their diplomatic status to intervene on behalf of resident Turkish Jews who otherwise would have been subjected to the same persecution as that suffered by Jews who were citizens of the European countries occupied by the Nazis. In France, where we have most information, this work ws carried out by the Turkish Embassy to France, which was located at Vichy starting in 1941, as well as by the Turkish consulates-general at Paris and Marseilles, the latter moved to Grenoble after Germany occupied much of southern France following Italy's withdrawal from the war late in 1943. The Turkish diplomats who were most involved in this work, and who went to great lengths to protect Turkish Jews, often at the risk of their own lives, were at the Paris consulate, Consul-Genrals Cevdet Dülger from 1939 until 1942 and Fikret Sefik Özdoganci from 1942 until 1945, and Vice Consul Namik Kemal Yolga, who remained in Paris throughout the war. At Marseilles there were Consul Generals Bedi'i Arbel from 1940 until 1943 and Mehmed Fuad Carim, from June 1943 until 1943 and Vice Consul Necdet Kent, who like Ambassador Yolga remained in France until the end of the war.
The Turkish consuls regularly applied to the German and French authorities to exempt Turkish Jews from the anti-Jewish laws introduced by the German occupying authorities, and im imitation, and sometimes even more severe, by the Vichy government of unoccupied France. The Turkish claims for exemption were always based on the same principle, stated over and over again, that Turkey made no distinction among its citizens of different religions, and that under treaties maintained between Turkey and Germany, the latter therefore had no right to distinguish between Muslim and Jewish Turks. These diplomats intervened in all sorts of ways to assist Turkish Jews during the Holocaust. First and foremost they kept their Turkish citizenship in force and up to date by getting them to register and informing the authorities that they were entitled to protection as Turkish citizens whenever it became necessary to help them evade or escape Nazi and Vichy persecution. This was not as easy as it appears on the surface. At the sart of World War II, there were about ten thousand Turkish Jews living in France, and about an equal number living elsewhere in Europe. Some had left Turkey as long before as 1921, in the company of the French army that evacuated the country as the rersult of the Franklin-Bouillon Treaty of Ankara, by which France abandoned its effort to occupy Southeastern Turkey in alliance with Britain against the Turkish War of National Liberation (1918-1923), and began to help the Turks drive the British, Greek and Armenian invaders out of the country. Turkish Jews left Turkey at that time not because they opposed Turkish resistance to the Allied occupation-most Turkish jews supported Turkish integrity, as they had supported Ottoman integrity against the Christian nationalist revolts that had taken place during the 19th century and World War I. They left, rather, because they were afraid that despite the French withdrawal, the Turks would be unable to win the war against both the British and Greek invaders and that as aresult, most of western Turkey would be occupied Greece, which had a long history of persecuting and massacring Jews. The Greeks had burned down the Jewish quarter of Jewish Salonica in 1917, and when the city was being rebuilt right after the war, it had refused to allow the Jews to return, instead turning what was left of Jewish houses and land over to Greek refugees from Anatolia. Other Turkish Jews had gone to France during the 1920's, during the early years of the Turkish Republic, when the future seemed very uncertain as Atatürk was just beginning to put his secular reforms into place, and when residence in France seemed to offer far more comfort and prosperity. By 1940, many of these Turkish Jews in France had married French Jews, had children and even grandchildren who were French citizens, and in many cases had taken up French citizenship themselves. Some had retained their Turkish citizenship by registering with the Turkish consulates in France at least once every five years, as was required by Turkish law, but others had neglected to do this, and had as a result lsot their Turkish citizenship accrding to the terms of a Turkish law passed in 1935 which provided that Turks resident abroad had to register regularly or lose their citizenship. The situation did not seem important for most Turkish Jews in France, because for most of them it seemed far better to be a French Jew than a Turkish Jew. When the Nazis occupied the country and began persecuting French Jews, however, these Turkish jews who had given up their Turkish citizenship suddenly found it was far better to be a Turkish jew than a French Jew, and they applied in large numbers to have their Turkish citizenship restored. This took time, however, since each application had to be referred back to Ankara, and since the applicants had very little documentary proof, in many cases no more than birth certificates issued in Ottoman times. In the meantime, these Turkish Jews were subjected to increasingly severe Nazi persecution unless they could produce Turkish papers. The Turkish diplomats responded to this situation in two ways. On one hand, they ured their superiors in Ankara to speed up the process of restoring citizenship as much as possible. On the other hand, they invented what they called Certificates of Irregular Turkish Citizenships (Gayri muntazam vatandaslik tezkeresi), and gave them to Turkish Jews who were in imminent danger of being shipped off to forced labor, or to a concentration camp, or who were being threatened with eviction from their houses, apartments or ships, stating to the Nazis and the French authorities that even such people had to be considered as Turkish citizens, entitled to all the protections and immunities provided to other Turkish citizens in France. The paper work was immense, but somehow the Turkish diplomats worked tremendously hard to handle all these cases and to protect those Jews who needed protection by giving them papers when they needed them most.
On 2 November 1940, the Turkish Consulate General in Paris sent the following note to the German Embassy in protest against a regulation applying to Turkish jews a law that forbade all Jews from owning and operating businesses:
To the Embassy of Germany: The Consulate General of Turkey at Paris, basing itself on the fact that Turkish Constitutional Law makes no distinction between its citizens regardless of the religion to which they belong, has the honor of asking the German Embassy to give instructions to the competent department that the decision that has begun to effect certain merchants of Turkish nationality, because of the regulation of 18 October 1940, be reconsidered.
The German replies generally accepted the Turkish argument, for example on 28 February 1941:
Despite the general regulations..., the German Embassy is ready to support individual requests for exemptions of Jews by the Turkish Consulate General when they have Turkish nationality.
The French government of unoccupied France based at Vichy in many ways was more devious and difficult regarding Jews after the Vichy law enacted on 16 June 1941 required all Jews in unoccupied France, including Turkish citizens, to register themselves and their property, with the threat of their being sent to concentration camps for refusal to do so. The Turkish Ambassador to Paris (Vichy) objected to this in a statement to the French Foreign Ministry:
The Embassy of Turkey has the honor of informing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that its Government, having been informed of the text of law no. 2,333 of 2 June 1941, which under menace of penal sanctions, orders the inscription of Jews on a special register along with a declaration which they must make regarding their properties, feels that the measures which it dictates are also applicable to Turkish citizens of Jewish origin established in France. Turkey itself establishes no discrimination among its citizens according to race, religion or anything else, and therefore feels with unease such discrimination imposed by the French government on those of its citizens who are established in France, so that the Turkish government can only reserve entirely its rights in what concerns those of the latter who are of the Jewish race.
In its response, Vichy insisted that a Jew was first and foremost a Jew, regardless of his nationality, and that Turkish Jews therefore had to be treated equally with all other Jews, as in the note from the French Foreign Ministry to the Turkish Embassy (Vichy) on 8 August 1941:
The Ministry has the honor of informing the (Turkish) Embassy that in establishing themselves in France, the individuals in question have implicitly agreed to submit themselves to the legislation of the country in which they are guests. This principle has sufficient force that the measures regarding people of the Hebrew race apply to all jews regardless, both those who are of French allegiance as well as those who are nationals of foreign countries.
It is interesting to note that the United States Embassy at Vichy advised American citizens resident in France to accept this argument, and thus not to expect protection from the United States, on the grounds that France did not discriminate among Jews and was treating Jews of American nationality no worse than it was treating other Jews. Turkey, however, absolutely refused to accept this argument on the grounds that such treatment violated the treaties signed between Turkey and France, according to which the nationals of Turkey had the privilege of enjoying the same civil rights in France that French citizens enjoyed in Turkey, and that it therefore did not have the right of discriminating among Turkish citizens because of their religion. A Turkish reply to this message, dated 9 September 1941, thus rejected the French claim:
While it is natural enough for foreigners to accept the laws of a country in which they live, in accordance with the strenuously expressed view of the French Foreign Minister that a foreigner who has settled in a country can be assumed to have accepte dthe attachment of his state and future to that country's laws, your answer must be that we reserve our rights in regard to a law which discriminates among Turkish citizens of different religions.The Turkish consulates in Paris and Marseilles continued to strongly protest against discriminatory laws issued both by the Nazi occupying authorities and the Vichy government, such as those which required Jews who were unemployed to join forced labor gangs; prevented Jews from having telephones or radios in their hosues; required that Jewish businesses by Aryanized by being turned over to non Jewish administrators or sold to Aryans; and which caused the arrest of Jews on the most minor sort of protests, with their apartments and businesses turned over to French adminitrators or sealed, their contents appropriated, and their occupants sent to concentration camps in France or death camps in Eastern Europe. In such cases, the Turkish consuls wrote official letters of protest and made personal contacts with the German Ambassador in Paris, Otto Abetz, and with French and German police officials, concentration camp commanders, S.S. and Gestapo officers and the like. Though there was a good deal of stalling by the Nazis as well as by the French officials, ultimately in most cases they received the answer that if they could document that the Jews in question were in fact Turkish citizens, they would be released, under the condition that they be sent to Turkey as rapidly as possible. At times, the Turkish consuls actually went into the concentration camps to deliver these messages and secure the release of prisoners who had the fortune to have Turkish nationality.
Most of the Jews in France were sent to the concentration camp at Drancy, in the outskirts of Paris, from which they were sent on to Auschwitz for extermination. The situation of Turkish Jews at Drancy, as at other concentration camps in France, was not easy, since they were scorned and persecuted, not only by the Germans and the French police that guarded the outskirts of the camps, but also by the French Jews who were prisoners, who felt superior to the foreign Jews, who felt that while they were true Frenchmen, the latter were not, and who used their domination of the Jewish camp bureaucracy to favor their own in distributing food, assigning work, and the like, and also to arrange that when the Germans called for a thousand Jews a week to be shipped East to the concentration camps, most of those selected were foreign Jews. I have put together accounts of the situation at Drancy written by different Jews who were inmates there during the war:
There were there Frenchmen, Poles, Turks and the like. I was chief of the room, and I never succeeded in being able to place myself between the yiddishists and the hispano-turcs, who constantly intrigued for a few more bits of bread. They lived by nationality, by groups, by compatriots. Each looked after only his own interests and not those of his neighbor....
The internees deplored that there was little solidarity among them. The most striking manifestation of this seemed to be the frequent discussions which opposed some to others, in particular French and foreign Jews. The French Jews reproached the foreigners for being the cause of their misfortunes, and the latter complained about France. Perhaps it is necessary to lay the responsibility at the door of the French Jews, many of whom came to the camp saying that they were superior Jews and that they would be released before the others. But one must recognize that their bitterness was justified, particularly when they were war veterants who had performed their duty for their country and could not understand how they could be treated differently than their fellow citizens....
to be followed...
*Professor Emeritus of Turkish History, University of California Los Angeles and Professor of Turkish History, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey
- Category: History & Archives
- Published: 16 November 2008
- Hits: 5063
Instead of countering these lies with the truth; systematically educating Turkish citizens in the Motherland and in the Diaspora; sponsoring organized academic research to demonstrate historical facts efficiently; sponsoring movies and documentaries; putting together scientific panels, debates, lectures and programs; producing high-quality fact-oriented publications on a widespread international platform; crushing the elements of lie and hatred through facts and civilized, modern, and sympathetic presentations using scientific methodology; very little has been done by Turks so-far. But, the new generation, especially the Diaspora, realizes the consequences of apathy, lethargy and inertia. It is determined to do the research, seek the truth, learn how to present it, and expose the lie.
Undoubtedly, the Turkish response has been very weak and falling behind of the organized Haik propaganda and lie machinery, constantly loosing ground on the internetional arena. Some examples are below.
The Turkish Government appointed officials and hired lobbyists who prevented, up to a point, nations to pass pro-Haik legislature, mainly by threatening these nations with economic, political, and military consequences. Even today, most pro-Turkish Western commentaries re: HR 106 warn about the consequences of loosing a powerful ally in the region should the Congress vote in favor of it. There is no mention of historical facts and Haik lies. Obviously, the Governmental measures have been effective in delaying the inevitable. But, they remain palliative: They do not attack the roots of the problem. They do not expose the historical facts.
Essays, papers, and books were being published by a fistful of Turkish (Kamuran Gurun, Yusuf Halacoglu, Cemal Kutay, Sinasi Orel, etc.) and international (Justin McCarthy, Bernard Lewis, Guenther Lewy, etc) scholars in order to expose the historical facts. Unfortunately, the Turks in the Motherland or in the Diaspora have largely been ignorant of the historical truth, of the extent and vigor of the Haik propaganda, and of its alarming efficiency.
The Turkish Government chose a policy of forgive and forget, lest the Haik still living in Turkey be exposed to the risk of retaliation by the ultra-nationalistic elements. Generations of schoolchildren were educated without the slightest knowledge of the Haik rebellions, Haik massacres and Haik treason at the time of War. Same state strategy was used in relation to the Turco-Greek relationships. By contrast, the Greek and Haik elementary, middle and high school curricula are fraught with anti-Turkish propaganda. The Haik and the Greek, in Diaspora, learn as young as 5 years of age, how the barbarous Turks massacred their grandparents (!).
These contrasting strategies of the Turkish, Haik and Greek governments and of the Turkish , Greek and Haik Diaspora have paradoxical consequences: It is obvious that that the Haik Diaspora's efforts to push for Genocide recognition has turned into a lucrative, multi-billion dollar-a-year industry, especially in the US. The Gregorian Church, Haik NGOs, and private institutions benefit greatly from donations and collections. But, the effect of this on the homeland Haik is completely opposite. Armenia, as a state, is getting poorer and poorer, and the government is getting less and less democratic. Since they live an existence away from the truth, they are not free.Turks, on the other hand, have spent decades in a lethargic state, choosing to ignore Haik activities around them. In an imperially nonchalant attitude of "laissez-faire", they said "Let them spread these lies. These are such gross, fat lies that no-one in their right mind will believe them". But they forgot their own saying: "You say a lie 40 times, it becomes the truth". It was much like Oesop's tale of the Turtle and the Rabbit. By the time the confident rabbit woke from his imperial slumber, the steady, determined, consistent, insidious turtle had already crossed the line. The myth had already become paradigm.Today, the world, especially the Western world, so believes in the Genocide myth that any attempt to try to bring out and explain the historical facts is immediately branded with the epithet of Genocide Denier.The turning point in this big Turkish slumber and Haik encroachment to the public mind was the May 2007 French Lower House vote on a bill to make it a crime to deny the Haik Genocide.
CURRENT STATE OF AFFAIRS
Republic of Hayastan Today
On September 23, 1991, Hayastan declared its independence.On December 26, 1991, Soviet Union was dissolved and Hayastan gained its legal independence.The ConstitutionThe Haik Flag and the Haik Coat of ArmsDashnaks
Haik Atrocities in Azerbaijan
On April 13, 1992, in Karabagh, Azerbaijan, the Haik raided and bombarded Azeri villages.On April 23, 1992, in Karabagh, Azerbaijan, the Haik bombarded Azeri villages in the Susa region. Three Azeris were killed, 6 houses were destroyed or demolished.
The Political Terror Campaign
Haik Diaspora in the US
Haik "Research" Institutions and "Researchers"
Fatma Muge Gocek
The US Haik Diaspora's greatest aim is to force the American Parliament to pass a resolution calling the events of a genocide. In 2007, with the appointment of Nancy Pelocy (D, Fresno, CA) as Speaker of the House, the Haik lobby found particularly strong support to have the resolution passed. Representative Schiff proposed the House Resolution 106 (HR 106) on January 31, 2007 to the House. Turkish academicians sent letters enumerating the responses to each point on the resolution.
Haik Diaspora in Europe
Haik Diaspora Elsewhere
- Category: History & Archives
- Published: 16 November 2008
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It is apparent, from the dire straits in which we find ourselves today, that the 80-year long silence of the Turks has cost them a great deal.
During that time, a great number of Haiks settled in Western countries, became assimilated by the local culture and integrated themselves seamlessly into the political system. Compare this with the fact that, until very recently, the Turkish Government was discouraging the Diaspora Turks from becoming naturalized and assuming citizenship of their host country.
A good example is the situation in France, where there live an almost equal number of Armenians and Turks (about 400,000). Whereas there are politicians [Click Here], educators [Click Here], artists [Click Here], performers [Click Here] among French Armenians, there is almost no Turk integrated in the French society. To the contrary, most Turks there, like those in Germany, Holland and Denmark, are non-professionals who cannot or will not penetrate into politics. Though there are close to 3 million Turks in Germany, there are no more than 10 elected politicians from among them [Click here]. The situation will hopefully change for the better among second- and third-generation Turks.
Similarly, the Armenians in the US are extremely well assimilated in the famous American melting pot. Turks in the US are different from their European counterparts, though, as most Turks who settle in the US are professionals. A great percentage of them prosper above the average middle class status. The problem is that they tend to get lost in the day-to-day struggles imposed upon them by the American capitalistic work environment. As a result, they do not organize into political entities and neglect the assimilation process into the electoral system.
- Category: History & Archives
- Published: 16 November 2008
- Hits: 17317
The Haik attempts to influence the world opinion about mistreatment of minorities within the Ottoman Empire, particularly to fool the opinion in Europe and in the US, have started as early as the first decade of the 20th century, and continued to-date. The purpose has always been the same: With the help of Russia and the Western powers, carve an independent Haik Nation within the so-called historic Haik lands. The methods, though, evolved and metamorphosed through the decades and according to the political-military situation.
Haik forgeries started with false press in Europe and in the US about massacres committed by Turks before WWI.
Despite the organization of separatist military units, active participation in massacres of the Muslim population, collaboration with invading Russian armies in the northeast during WWI and with invading French armies in the southeast after WWI, the Haik realized that Russians and the Allies did not have the slightest interest in giving them what they always promised, i.e. a piece of the Ottoman Pie after the defeat of the Empire in WWI.
They then initiated open hostilities with the Nationalist Turkish forces of Mustafa Kemal, which were organizing across Anatolia to expel the invading imperialistic armies. The Haik were severely beaten in this war and had to sign the Treaty of Gumru with Kemalist forces.
Following their defeat in the battlefield and at the negotiation table, the Haik decided to recur to a campaign of international terrorism and defamation, in order to attain their goal of an independent state within the old Ottoman lands, on which the young Republic of Turkey would soon be standing. Their heinous campaign would begin with the publication of the so-called Andonian Letters, continue with assassinations of high-level Ottoman officials and peak with the barbarous violence of the terrorist organization ASALA. Following the sudden disappearance of ASALA from the world scene during mid 80s, the Haik Diaspora began a concerted effort of defamation, this time in the political arena. Below, is a synopsis of these activities, together with original archival documents.
In his book Story Behind Morgenthau's Story explains how Morgenthau relied on two Armenians throughout his stay in Turkey.
The 1915 New York Times Publications
Malta Trials and the Andonian Letters
The Malta Trials: The British appointed a Hayk, Haig Khazarian, to gather evidence of central planning for Genocide. 144 detainees, including the Prime MinisterTalat Pasa TelegramsAndonian's BookAndonian ForgeryAndonian ForgeryAndonian Forgery EnglishAndonain Forgery FrenchAuthentic Ottoman 1Authentic Ottoman 2
Haik Terrorism (Early Years)
Operation NemesisOn March 15, 1921, a Haik terrorist assasinated Talat Pasha in BerlinOn March 18, 1921, Misak Torlakyan killed the Minister of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, Cevanshir Han, in Istanbul.On December 6, 1921, Haik terrorists killed Sait Halim Pasa in Rome.On July 22, 1922, Haik assassins killed Cemal Pasha in Tbilisi.
WWII Haik Collaboration with Nazis
Despite all these facts proving their collaboration with the Nazi regime in order to carve a state of their own from Eastern territories of the Turkish Republic, the Haik this time shamelessly turned around and manufactured a lie about the Nazi Germany and its leader, Adolf Hitler; a lie that would surpass all others in its magnitude, reach, and influence power of the Western mind. They attributed to Hitler the quote "After all, who remembers the killing of the Armenians by the Turks", which, supposedly, he had used to justify his plans about the extermination of European Jews before the Holocaust started. Today, excellent scholarly research has shown that this is a lie. However, it has proven very difficult to convince the Western mind that it is, indeed, a lie. And, most Haik intellectuals and their supporters in Academia, still very casually refer to this lie in their writings and their lectures. One example that we witnessed in Houston was the Executive Director of the National Holocaust Museum of Washington, DC, Mr. Bill Parsons, who opened his lecture at the Holocaust Museum of Houston with this very remark. The Haik were so desperate to get a land of their own on other people's soil that they did not stop at anything to make this dream come true, no matter how lowly and shameful the act was. Upon the crushing of their last hope at nationhood by the Kemalist forces in the 1920s, they waited patiently under the yoke of the Soviets and, as soon as the opportunity presented itself, conceived another heinous collaboration, this time with the Nazis during WWII. They who made so much wave regarding an imaginary genocide by the Ottomans, did not hesitate for a moment to help the Nazis round up Jews with a view to exterminating them, because they hoped that the Nazi regime, if victor at the end of WWII, would grant them their coveted land and nation from eastern Turkey. The archival evidence of this shameless collaboration is only too well documented.
The ASALA Terror Campaign
Following the disillusionment of WWII with the collapse of the Nazi regime, the Haik would lay dormant for about 3 decades until the world would forget about their collaborative efforts towards the extermination of the Jews. Then, when they deemed the time right, they emerged once again, this time under the identity of an international Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization called Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA). The stated intention of ASALA was "to compel the Turkish Government to acknowledge publicly its alleged responsibility for the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians in 1915, pay reparations, and cede territory for an Armenian homeland".
On January 20, ASALA was founded.On January 27, a Haik terrorist, Migirdic Yanikyan, killed Mehmet Baydar and Bahadir Demir, the Turkish Consul General and his assistant, respectively, in Los Angeles, CA.
On October 22, in Vienna, Haik terrorists killed Danis Tunaligil, the Turkish Ambassador to Austria.On October 24, in Paris, Haik terrorists killed Ismail Erez and Talip Yener, the Turkish Ambassador to France and a police officer, respectively.
On February 16, in Beirut, Haik terrorists killed Oktay Cerit, the First Secretary of the Turkish Embassy to Lebanon.On May 28, in Zurich, a Haik terrorist, Noubar Soufoyan, bombed the Turkish Diplomatic Bureau. He was arrested and sentenced to 15 years in prison.
On May 29, in Istanbul, the Extreme Haik Movement Groups bombed the Yesilkoy Airport and the Sirkeci Grand Train Station. Four people died and 31 wounded.On June 9, in Vatican, Haik terrorirsts killed the Turkish Ambassador Taha Carim.
On January 3, in Brussels, the Haik New Resistance Organization bombed the Turkish Embassy to Belgium.On June 2, in Madrid, Spain, the Haik killed Necla Kuneralp, wife of Turkish Ambassador Zeki Kuneralp; and Besir Balcioglu, ex-Ambassador.On July 8, in Paris, France, the Haik Genocide Justice Committee bombed the Turkish Diplomatic Bureau and the Tourism Bureau.On August 6, in Geneva, Switzerland, the Haik New Resistance Organization bombed the Turkish General Consulate.On December 17, 1976, in Geneva, Switzerland, ASALA bombed the Bureau of Turkish Airlines.
On August 22, in Geneva, Switzerland, ASALA assassinated Turkish Assistant Consul Niyazi Adali and 3 other people.On August 27, in Frankfurt, Germany, ASALA bombed the Turkish Airlines Bureau.On October 4, in Copenhagen, Denmark, ASALA bombed the Turkish Airlines Bureau.On October 12, in La Hague, the Haik assassinated Ahmet Benler, the son of Turkish Ambassador in Amsterdam, Ahmet Benler.On December 22, in Paris, France, the Haik killed Yilmaz Copan, the Tourism Councelor of Turkish Embassy.
On January 10, in Teheran, Iran, ASALA bombed Turkish Airlines Bureau.On February 6, in Bern, Switzerland, the Haik injured Ambassador Dogan Turkmen.On March 10, in Rome, Italy, the Haik bombed the Turkish Airlines Bureau, killing 2 Italians and wounding 14.On April 17, in Vatican, the Haik attacked Vecdi Turel, the Turkish Ambassador, and wounded his police officer, Tahsin Guvenc.On April 19, in Marseille, France, ASALA attacked the Turkish Consulate.On June 31, in , Haik terrorists killed Galip Ozmen, the Turkish Administrative Attache, and Neslihan Ozmen, his daughter.On August 5, in Lyon, France, Haik terrorists stormed the Turkish Consulate and Kadir Atilgan, Ramazan Sefer, Kavas Bozdag, and Huseyin Toprak were killed.On September 26, in Paris, France, the Haik attacked and seriously wounded Selcuk Bakkalbasi, Turkish Press Attache.On November 10, in Strasbourg, France, ASALA attacked the Turkish Consulate.On December 17, in Sydney, Australia, the Haik assassinated Sarik Arkyan, the Turkish Ambassador, and Engin Saver, his police officer.
On January 13, in Paris, France, Haik terrorists placed a bomb in the car of Ahmet Erbeyli, Councelor of Finance to the Turkish Embassy. He survived.On March 13, in Paris, France, the Haik killed Resat Morali, the Administrative Councelor; and Tecelli Ari, the Imam (priest), of the Turkish Embassy.On April 3, in Copenhagen, Denmark, the Haik shot and wounded Cavit Demir, the Administrative Councelor of the Turkish Embassy.On June 9, in Geneva, Switzerland, ASALA killed S. Yerguz, the Secretary of Turkish Embassy.On September 24, in Geneva, Switzerland, Haik terrorists stormed the Turkish Embassy and killed police officer Cemal Ozen.On October 3, in Rome, Italy, the Haik attacked and seriously wounded the Second Secretary of the Turkish Embassy.
On January 28, in Los Angeles, California, US, two Haik, Harry Sassunian and Kirkor Saliba, killed Kemal Arikan, the Turkish Concil General.On April 8, in Ottawa, Canada, the Haik attacked and wounded Kemalettin Kani Gungor, the Commerce Councelor of the Turkish Embassy.On May 5, in Boston, Massachusetts, US, the Haik killed Okan Gunduz, the Turkish Honorary Consul for USA Boston Region.On June 7, in Lisbon, Portugal, the Haik killed Erkut Akbay, the Administrative Attache of the Turkish Embassy. Also, the Haik attacked Yurtsev Mihcioglu, the Charge d'Affaires of the Embassy, and Cahide Mihcioglu, his wife.On June 7, in Ottawa, Canada, the Haik atacked Coskun Kirca, the Turkish Ambassador; and Atilla Altikat, the Military Attache of the Turkish Consulate.On June 7, in Sofia, Bulgaria, the Haik attacked Bora Suelkan, the Administrative Attache of the Turkish Consulate.On August 7, in Anlara, Turkey, Haik terorists bombed the Esenboga Airport. Three police officers and 9 civilians were killed, 78 people were injured. A terrorist called Levon Ekmekjian was arrested. He would later be executed on January 29, 1983.On August 10, Artin Penik, a citizen of Turkey with Armenian descent burned himself to protest the Esenboga killings.
On January 29, in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, two Haik terrorists, Harut Levonian and Raffi Elbenkian, attacked the Turkish Ambassador and killed an innocent Yugoslavian passer-by.On June 15, in Paris, France, ASALA terrorists attacked the Turkish Airlines Office at the Orly Airport. Two Turkish, four French, one American and one Swedish citizen were killed, and 60 people were injured. On June 27, in Lisbon, Portugal, 5 Haik terrorists who raided the Turkish Embassy were killed.
On January 21, in Baku, Azerbaijan, the Haik attacked Hacilar City. Three Soviet soldiers and 3 Azeris, including the journalist Savatin Askerova, were killed.On March 12, in Ottawa, Canada, three Haik terrorists raided the Turkish Embassy, killing one of the Canadian guards in civilian clothing. Ambassador Coskun Kirca survived with injuries.
Contemporary Haik Lie Machine
After the defeat of their military campaign in the first quarter of the 20th c., the Haik laid dormant for a while. They resurfaced in the 70s and 80s with a vicious terroristic campaign. Their goal was to bring their claims to the attention of the world, in which they succeeded. There is no bad publicity. This time, the world heard loud and clear about this long dormant race and their claims... and it believed in them. It believed that they were doing it out of desperation, just because they had run out of all other means of making their voice heard. And it sympathized with them! It conceived them as the underdogs who were trying desperately to exact justice (!). It was a most despicable series of attacks, mutilations and murders unleashed on innocent people, a most cowardly and heinous serial killing spree, of which even we were disgusted just writing it all over again on this website. Unfortunately, only a handful of these lowly animals were caught and brought to justice. It was apparent, at the time the killings were going on, that the world was not going to anything about it. So, rumor has it that Turks took matters in their own hands (just like the Israelis after the killing of the Jewish Olympic team members by Palestinian guerrillas in Munich - as depicted in the Hollywood movie Munich), and chased down the murderers one by one and killed them like the rabid dogs that they are; exacting justice and drying the putrid sources of ASALA before it could even understand what hit it. They never dared taking armed action against innocent Turkish diplomats again. Following the defeat of this final terrorism campaign in the last quarter of the 20th c., the Haik switched gear and accelerated their campaigning on popular and political arenas. This time, following in the wake of the assassinations and the publicity that it created, the Haik started to hatch lies and incubate them with great patience and care in the hearts and minds of millions of unsuspecting (and gullible) victims in many nations across the globe. Just two examples will be used to illustrate the contemporary Haik lie machinery here. Other examples can be found dispersed in the text below.The first is anaccount by Erich Feigel, writer of "A Myth of Terrorism", of his conversation with Professor Gerard Libaridian, Director of the famous Haik think tank Zoryan Institute of Michigan University, Dearborn, MI. In it, Feigel says:I did, of course, also meet other people in the course of my research work. I especially recall Dr. Gerard Libaridian, the head of the Armenian Zorian Institute. I spent several hours with Dr. Libaridian in his office in Cambridge, Massachusetts and had an extremely interesting conversation with him. Dr. Libaridian is a brilliant man, bubbling with vitality, knowledge, talent, and self-confidence. One could write a very compelling play based on my conversation with him. I kept notes of my host's most provocative statements in this fascinating discussion. Several times he mentioned the so-called "Andonian papers". In the early twenties, an Armenian by the name of Aram Andonian published a "collection of documents" (actually they were photographs of "documents"), which he presented as "proof" that the Ottoman government had planned the extermination of the Armenian people. Basically, these "documents" consisted of "orders" that could certainly be compared to the insane acts of a Hitler or Himmler.Franz Werfel based his splendid novel, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh , entirely on these "extermination orders" of the Ottoman government. Of course, he originally did this in good faith, and when he found out that he had been taken in by a forgery, it was too late. Out of fear of Armenian reprisals, he did not even dare to publicly acknowledge his error. Since it seemed reasonable to assume that Dr. Libaridian knew that the papers were forgeries, I did not want to waste a single word on the subject. There were so many other, more interesting things to talk about. But remarkably enough, he stuck with Aram Andonian's book, and its "documents". Finally I had to say, "But Doctor Libaridian, you know as well as I that these 'Andonian papers' are forgeries!" I will never forget Dr. Libaridian answer or his facial expression as he replied simply and briefly to my reproach:“And?”… and I will never forget that answer. It was not even cold; it was casual, matter-of-fact reply to one who has long since found other strategies but does not even bother to clean house, since he knows that the old dirt can be swept under the rug of history and — who knows? — maybe someday it will come in handy again to help obscure the truth.It is a very tiny minority of Armenians who promote terrorism and misuse the idealistic, impressionable young people for their own irrational motives and objectives. The ironic tragedy of it all is that the people pulling the strings are themselves hanging from the strings of powerful puppet-masters. Or to use another analogy, they are nothing more than ridiculous little chess pieces in the game of superpowers, who sacrifice their Armenian pawn whenever it seems to suit their game-plan."The second example to Haik forgeries is a poster, prepared by the Haik, announcing a lecture around April 24, 2001, in the UCLA Campus. A picture of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk is taken, doctored, and the dogs sitting by his feet are replaced by the photograph of a dead child (could be Turkish, Azeri, Kurdish, Haik, who knows). The net result is that Ataturk is portrayed sitting calmly smoking his cigarette in front of a victim of the "genocide", he apparently condones in cold blood. To us, this type of deceitful propaganda is a cardinal example of shamelessness, which unfortunately finds an audience of believers in it, since nothing is being done to expose the lie it is based on.There is yet a third example, about Hitler's quote, which we already have mentioned above, and which is even bigger than the two above. These three lies are but a fistful in the big sea of deceit and falsification that the Haik promote in order to reach their ignoble goal. The road ahead of them, though, does not seem to be as easy as the one they have been driving on for almost a century.
Next: The Lie Exposed